I. (p. 443.) The Daily Worker, August 5-8, 10, 11 and 13, 1931.
2. (p. 444.) Ibid., September 29, 1932.
3. (p. 448.) Dimitrov, The United Front (New York: International Publishers, 1938), p. 10.
4. (p. 454.) The Daily Worker, September 2, 1935.
5. (p. 455.) The Chicago De/ender, September 7, 1935.
6. (p. 456.) Ibid.
7. (p. 456.) The Daily Worker, September 2, 1935.
8. (p.459.) As quoted in James W. Ford, "The National Negro Congress," The Communist, April 1936, pp. 323-24.
I plan to speak ofRandolph a number of times duringthe course of this hook and, therefore, I feel it necessary at this point to briefly give my estimation of the man. Randolph is a social democrat. At the height of his career, he was probably the most influential Black union executive in the U.S. His role in the AFL-CIO, however, has always been the loyal opposition. At every annual convention, he would make the same criticisms of discrimination in the unions, but always in a manner acceptable to the bureaucrats.
Randolph was a board member of the NAACP and had broad influence, not just ainong Black workers, but in the Black community as well. As one of the very few Black labor bureaucrats in the U.S., he was widely acclaimed to represent Black labor. In reality, he shared the basic ideology of the labor aristocracy: support for U.S. imperialism, belief in the common interests of labor and management, negotiation by bureaucrats as a substitute for militant rank-and-file action, and consistent anticommunism. Randolph helped to legitimize the labor aristocracy's claim to speak for Black working people. Despite his anti-communism, our leadership of the mass struggles of Blacks often forced him to unite with us. Such was the case with the NNC.
9. (p. 459.) The Daily Worker, February 17, 1936.
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10. (p. 464.) Ibid., June 24 and 25, 1936.
11. (p. 465.) Ibid., June 27, 1936.
12. (p. 466.) Ibid., November 8, 1936.
13. (p. 466.) Foster, History of the Communist Party, p. 333.