I. (p. 417.) "The Eighth Convention of Our Party," The Communist, May 1934, p. 428.
2. (p. 418.) The Daily Worker, April 7, 1934.
3. (p. 419.) Ibid., April 4, 1934.
4. (p. 419.) The full text of Browder's report appeared in The Daily
BLACK BOLSHEVIK
Worker, April 14, 1934.
5. (p. 420.) This report was published as a pamphlet, The Road to Negro
Liberation (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1934).
6. (p. 422.) DuBois, Dusk of Dawn, p. 290.
7. (p. 423.) As cited in Harry Haywood, Negro Liberation (Chicago: Liberator Press, 1976), p. 180.
8. (p. 423.) In looking at the top NAACP leadership, we can see that this analysis still holds true today. Despite the crises within the organization brought about by periodic depressions and mass upsurges such as the revolt of the sixties, its Ieadership still reflects the strivings and ambitions of the top layer of the educated Black middle class. Their strategy is to enlarge the Black middle class in order to strengthen reformist illusions and extend their class as a buffer against the masses.
9. (p. 423.) Haywood, Road to Negro Liberation, p. 6.
10. (p. 424.) Haywood, Negro Liberation, p. 194.
11. (p. 426.) "Program of the Nationalist Movement for the Estab
Iishmnt of a Forty-Ninth State," as quoted in Haywood, Road to Negro
Liberation, p. 28.
12. (p. 427.) Press release of the Peace Movement to Liberia,.as quoted in Haywood, Road to Negro Liberation, p. 28.
13. (p. 429.) William N. Jones in the Baltimore Afro-American, August 4, 1934, as quoted in Haywood, Road to Negro Liberation, p. 35.
14. (p. 429.) Padmore had worked with the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers after it was founded at the Hamburg Conference in 1930. (See Chapter Eleven.) Other members of the committee .removed him in 1933, however, after he put forward his fascist version of pan-Africanism, which proposed that Africans look to the Japanese Emperor for protection.
Padmore's brand of "pan-Africanism" set him in opposition to the national aspirations of the emerging black majority states in Africa. As late as 1956, in referring to a Black Republic in Azania(South Africa), he wrote:
Africans had never demanded any such nonsense .... They, like the Negroes in America, while opposed to all forms of racial disability have never demanded separatism, either in the form of Apartheid or
"Native Republic." Rather, the Africans have always demanded full citizenship rights within a multi-racial society. They therefore looked with deep suspicion upon the new Communist slogan of a Native Republic, which they interpreted as an attempt to segregate them into some sort of Bantu state ....
See Richard Gibson, African Liberation Movements (London:
NOTES
667
Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 37. See also "Earl Browder Replies,"
The Crisis, December 1935, p. 372.
15. (p. 430.) "Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress," Works, vol.
13, p. 369.
16. (p. 431.) Ibid.
17. (p. 43 I.) William Odell N owell persisted in his activities after the convention and was finally expelled from the Party. He later testified before the Dies Un-American Activities Committee and revealed that he had been a government agent while a member of the CPUSA.