1. (p. 83.) Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1966), pp. 12, 111-12.
2. (p. 84.) Claude McKay, Selected Poems (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1953), p. 36.
3. (p. 87.) Allan H. -Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), pp. 36-41, and 151-55. Also see William M. Tuttle, Jr., "Labor Conflict and Racial Violence: The Black Worker in Chicago, 1894-1919," Labor History, Summer 1969, pp. 408-32.
4. (p. 87.) Spear, p. 141.
5. (p. 93.) In the wake of mass actions in Philadelphia and Boston, the film was temporarily banned in many cities, including Chicago, where the NAACP and the Chicago De/ender were active in the campaign.
NOTES
649
6. (p. 93.) These states included parts of New England, New York, Indiana, Michigan and Illinois. The Klan was first reorganized in 1915 by William J. Simmons who advertised the reborn KKK in an Atlanta paper, alongside an ad for the opening of Birth of aNation. According to David Chalmers, the KKK grew from several thousand members in 1919
to nearly 100,000 by summer 1921, and up to 3,000,000 by the midtwenties. See David M. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1965), pp. 29-31, 291.
7. (p. 94.) See W. E.B. DuBois, Black Reconstructian inAmerica(New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935), pp. 711-28.
8. (p. 98.) Martin Madden, the white congressman from the first district, was the grand patron of Black post office employees. From his position on the House Postal Comrnittee, he built a reputation for getting his Black constituents a good share of post office jobs. See Harold F.
Gosnell, Negro Politicians ( Chicago: U niversity of Chicago Press, 1935), pp. 307-08, 316-17.
9. (p. 99.) Ibid., pp. 302-18; and Henry McGee, .. The Negro in the Chicago Post Office," unpublished master's thesis (University of Chicago, 1961), pp. 31-36.
10. (p. 100.) DuBois, Black Reconstruction, pp. 718-19.
11. (p. 103.) Amy Jacques Garvey, Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus
Garvey (New York: Atheneum, 1969), vol. 1, pp. 4, 8.
12. (p. 104.) There are many examples of pre-Garvey nationalism in the U.S., but Martin Delany is one of the most modern-sounding. In the conclusion to his hook, The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and
Destiny af the Colared People af the United States, Palitically Cansidered (New York: Arno Press, 1968) pp. 209-10, he writes:
"We are a nation within a nation; as the Poles in Russia, the Hungarians in Austria; the Welsh, Irish and Scotch in the British Dominions .... The claims of no people, according to established policy and usage, are respected by any nation, until they are presented in a national capacity ."
13. (p. 105.) Edmund David Cronon, Black Moses (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955), p. 197.
14. (p. 106.) Spear, p. 135.
15. (p. 108.) Garvey, vol. 2, pp. 69-70.
16. (p. 111.) W. E. B. Du Bois, "Back to Africa," The Century M agazine,
February 1923, p. 547. History repeated itself forty years later when the Black Muslims' public contacts with ultra-racists caused thern to !ose many of their more revolutionary followers. This was exposed in the March 1966 issue of the radical monthly rnagazine, Now (p. 10):
"If Americans-and Negroes in particular-were astonished when a
BLACK BOLSHEVIK
member of the American Nazi Party was accorded a place of honor at a Black Muslim conclave not long ago, Malcolm indicated that Muslim ties with the oil-rich supporters of the Ku Klux Klan were deep and vast.
James Venable, a Klan lawyer, had defended the New Orleans mosque following a raid by police and charges of insurrectionist activity.
Malcolm said he himself had accompanied Elijah Muhammad to an incredible meeting in 1961 at Magnolia Hall in Atlanta, Georgia, at which Elijah's dream of a Black nation within the U nited States was solemnized in a treaty with officers of the Klan. Maps were drawn
'ceding' the Black Muslims parts of s·outh Carolina and Georgia, an aet to be effectuated when the right wing forces came to power."